5 Sociological Theories of Crime: Strain Theories
Tracy Meehan; Lucy Forrester; and Jaana A. Haaja
Learning Objectives
- Explain the fundamental concepts of traditional strain theory and their connection to society.
- Identify how traditional strain theories were adapted into General Strain Theory and be able to explain the fundamental concepts of GST.
- Assess the relevance of strain theory in understanding modern social issues, such as juvenile delinquency and the strain experienced in First Nations communities.
Before You Begin
- Do you think different communities have different ways to measure success? Give some examples of your thinking.
- What is your idea of a ‘good life?’ How will you know that you have ‘made it’ in your life?
- How do you deal with stress or disappointment? What things make you feel better?
INTRODUCTION
It will come as no surprise to you that our culture has a very specific idea of what success is: an education, a good career, a house, and a family. Maybe even a pet and an annual vacation. And all of this should be attainable with a strong work ethic, by following the rules of society. This is a standard westernised idea of success, but it is one that has become shared by many cultures all over world. Individuals may hold different values but most of our social institutions are designed to support this very narrow definition. After all, you are most likely reading this because you are a student in a university degree, hoping to graduate and find a fulfilling career that will allow you to have the kind of life you want. And there’s no shame in that; most of us fall into this category.
But what happens when society is set up in such a way that certain groups cannot achieve the agreed version of success, no matter how hard they try? How do we explain that? Classical theories of criminology, like deterrence, put much of the blame on individual level decision making. But sociologists in the 1920s and 1930s started asking how our wider cultural norms contribute to criminal behaviour. This school of criminological soon led to several new theoretical perspectives. In this chapter, we will discuss the perspectives known as strain theories. The two main theories in this chapter are: traditional strain theory, often known as anomie theory; and General Strain Theory (GST).
Traditional strain theory is a macro-level theory. This means that it strives to explain the impact of social structure and institutions on social phenomena, like crime. It is not intended to explain the experience of individuals, but rather of society. General Strain Theory is a micro-level theory. This means that it strives to explain the behaviour of individuals. It is the more common form of strain theory that we test and apply today.
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
Traditional strain theory is a macro-level theory, which means that it aims to provide an explanation for social level phenomena, like crime rates. It was developed by American sociologist Robert K. Merton in the early 20th century, it emerged as a ground-breaking perspective within the field of criminology. The theory itself took shape in the 1930s and 1940s, a period marked by the Great Depression and the aftermath of World War II (Akers, 1998, 2000). Merton sought to understand the relationship between societal structures and deviant behaviour, departing from earlier criminological theories that predominantly focused on individual pathology.
Born in 1910, Merton was influenced by the social and economic transformations in the United States during his youth (Akers, 1998; 2001; 2006). Merton sought to understand the relationship between societal structures and deviant behaviour. Drawing inspiration from Émile Durkheim’s concept of anomie, Merton’s strain theory revolves around the idea that social structure exerts pressure on individuals, leading to a disconnect between cultural goals and the legitimate means available to achieve them. Anomie is a term that refers to a condition of dysregulation, or breakdown of the rules, that happens in society. When this breakdown happens, people do not know the expectations and a form of social chaos can ensue (Durkheim & Coser, 1984).
In post-World War II America, there was a prevailing cultural emphasis on the “American Dream[1],” promoting the pursuit of material success through hard work and dedication (Durkheim, 1989; Broidy, 2001 & Agnew, 2006). This material success could be considered a cultural goal. But Merton observed that not everyone had equal access to the approved or legitimate means for achieving success. After all, not everyone can attend a prestigious school or afford a fancy car. Traditional strain theory is Merton’s explanation of what will happen to various types of societies when this breakdown occurs.
Strain theory has been influential in shaping criminological thought and has been applied to various social contexts to analyse the relationship between societal pressures, cultural expectations, and deviant behaviour. But it did not help scholars understand why individuals committed crime. Many criticised it as being too deterministic and pointed out that plenty of people in a society that is dysregulated will still follow the law. In the late 1970s, sociologist Robert Agnew[2] It is here that we see the extension of General Strain Theory, which proposed that individuals who experienced certain types of strain may commit crime.
Each of these theories is explained in detail below.
Table 5.1: Strain Theory – Timeline
| 1938 | Merton published "Social Structure and Anomie," introducing the concept of anomie, a state of normlessness in society. |
| 1957 | Merton published "Social Theory and Social Structure," outlining Strain Theory as a response to anomie. He identified five modes of individual adaptation to societal norms. |
| 1960's | Strain theory gained popularity and became influential during the 1960s. Sociologists and criminologists started using and testing the ideas presented by Merton in various contexts. |
| 1968 | Albert Cohen published "Delinquent Boys," expanding on Merton's theory by introducing the concept of status frustration. |
| 1979 | Robert Agnew introduced General Strain Theory, which expanded Merton's ideas by including sources of strain beyond economic goals, such as the loss of positive stimuli or the presentation of negative stimuli. |
| 1990's | Travis Hirschi and Michael Gottfredson critiqued Strain Theory, arguing that delinquency is better explained by a lack of self-control. |
| 1992 | Steven F. Messner and Richard Rosenfeld published "Crime and the American Dream," which applied strain theory to the explanation of crime rates in the United States. This work contributed to the ongoing development and application of strain theory in different social contexts |
| 2003 | Robert Agnew published "An Integrated Theory of the Adolescent Peak in Offending," further developing General Strain Theory. |
| 2010 onwards | Strain Theory continued to influence research in criminology, sociology, and related fields, with scholars exploring its applicability to various social contexts. |
THEORY DESCRIPTION
Traditional Strain Theory
Traditional strain theory emphasises the role of social structure in influencing individual behaviour. It underscores how unequal access to opportunities and resources can lead to strain, pushing individuals toward various forms of deviance (Agnew, 1985, 1992, 2006). Social structure, including factors like socioeconomic status, education, and employment opportunities, plays a crucial role in shaping the ways that societies or subcultures react to this unequal access. Merton proposed five reactions, or adaptations, that societies could have. Each adaptation is a way to deal with the disconnect, or disjuncture, between cultural goals and the legitimate means for achieving those goals.
Each adaptation is a response to society expectations. Figure 5.1 presents the five adaptations. The five adaptations are: conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion (Akers, 1998; Agnew, 2006). Each on represents a relationship between the acceptance ( ) or rejection (-) of cultural goals and legitimate means.
| Adaptation | Cultural Goals | Legitimate Means |
| Conformity | + | + |
| Ritualism | – | + |
| Innovation | + | – |
| Retreatism | – | – |
| Rebellion | 0 | 0 |
Figure 5.1: Five Reactions to Anomie
Conformity is the adherence to both cultural goals and legitimate means. In a society where opportunities are readily available and accessible, individuals are more likely to conform and pursue the culturally prescribed goals through approved means. Conformity is the most prevalent response when the alignment between goals and means is intact (Agnew, 2001).
Ritualism occurs when individuals abandon the pursuit of cultural goals but continue to rigidly adhere to the institutionalised means. These individuals may follow societal norms and rules diligently, even though they no longer harbour aspirations for the original cultural goals (Kaufman et al., 2010; Akers, 2001).
When individuals face a strain between societal expectations and the means available, they may turn to innovation to achieve cultural goals. Innovation involves accepting culturally approved goals but rejecting or modifying the means to reach them. This can lead to deviant behaviours, such as engaging in criminal activities or adopting unconventional strategies to attain success (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990).
Retreatism involves rejecting both cultural goals and institutionalised means, leading individuals to withdraw from conventional societal structures. Substance abuse and vagrancy are examples of retreatist behaviours, where individuals disengage from societal norms altogether (Henry & Lukas, 2009).
Rebellion is a more proactive response to societal strain. Individuals who rebel against the existing cultural goals and means seek to replace them with alternative values and structures. This can take the form of social or political movements that challenge the established order (Agnew, 2001; Lilly & Cullen, 2007). Rebellion represents an effort to create a new system that aligns more closely with the values and goals of the dissenting group.
This video from ShortcutsTV demonstrates the five modes of adaptation.
General Strain Theory
Because traditional strain theory is a macro-level theory, it can be difficult to test or interpret. Traditional strain theory mainly focused on blocked paths to success and was mainly applied to criminal behaviour among low socioeconomic status, mostly male offenders. Critics argued that traditional strain theory was oversimplified and early research did not have empirical support (Froggio & Agnew, 2007). General Strain Theory[3] (GST) addresses these weaknesses.
In contrast to Merton’s classical strain theory, GST takes a micro-level approach. GST shifted the focus of strain from a structural explanation of crime to one rooted in the psychosocial understanding of strain (Broidy, 2001). Consequently, GST expanded the understanding of strain past just thwarted opportunities to encompass a wider range of stressors linked to strain. This perspective no longer assumes a universal cultural of shared goals, making GST more adaptable to individual variations in goals, as well as differences in class, culture and gender (Broidy, 2001). Furthermore, GST enhanced the versatility of applying strain to outcomes that include criminal behaviour and factors outside of crime and delinquency.
The heart of GST is the impact of negative relationships and the resulting psychological distress they induce. These connections may involve individuals or societal frameworks, yet in both scenarios, individuals feel they are being treated in a way that goes against their desires (Froggio & Agnew, 2007).
Agnew (1992) outlined three primary routes where negative relationships can exert influence (p. 47):
- strain stemming from the actual or expected failure to achieve positively valued goals.
- strain arising from the actual or anticipated loss of valued stimuli.
- strain originating from the actual or anticipated exposure to undesirable stimuli.
When individuals experience these strains, one outcome is negative emotion. Negative emotion then leads individuals to come up with coping mechanisms to help alleviate those negative feelings. Coping mechanisms can be positive or negative, but one potential outcome is that people engage in crime and antisocial behaviour to deal with the negative emotion that they are feeling.
The intensity, duration, recentness, and centrality of strain play crucial roles in shaping its effects. The more severe a strain in terms of intensity, the stronger the potential impact. Particularly intense strains may reduce the perceived costs of resorting to criminal behaviour for coping (Baron, 2004). Persistent strain (duration) that occurs over an extended period (chronic stressors) or tend to exert more influence than occasional ones, especially if the ongoing or frequent strains persist without resolution (Agnew, 2001).
Studio Stresses: Sean by Michael Clesle is licensed under CC-BY-NC 2.0
APPLICATIONS OF THEORY
Strain Theory and Offending
Examples of strains include parental abuse, excessive parental discipline and rejection, adverse school experiences that can include failing grades or strained relationships with teachers, victimisation by bullying or peer mistreatment, experiences of criminal victimisation, marital conflicts, unemployment or underemployment, racial discrimination, residing in economically disadvantaged neighbourhoods, homelessness and the inability to fulfil the desires for wealth, excitement, and social status (Agnew, 1992, 2001; 2006).
According to GST, the stress resulting from experiencing negative emotions due to strain serves as a catalyst for engaging in antisocial behaviours as a coping mechanism (Baron, 2004; Broidy, 2001; Froggio & Agnew, 2007). Individual resources such as self-esteem, self-worth, and self-efficacy, along with personal characteristics affecting coping abilities such as intelligence, creativity, and problem-solving skills, may shape the link between strain and antisocial outcomes (Agnew, 1992; Broidy, 2001).
Strains and Adaptations: Merton’s Framework in First Nations Disadvantage
Merton’s Strain Theory provides one framework for examining the complexities of disadvantage experienced by First Nations people in Australia. This perspective enables an in-depth examination of the historical and contemporary societal factors that contribute to the challenges faced by these communities. The theory illuminates the strains experienced by First Nations individuals in Australia and the various ways in which they adapt in response. Merton’s emphasis on using legitimate means to achieve culturally accepted goals is particularly relevant for First Nations communities, whose norms and aspirations revolve around preserving cultural identity, traditions, and community well-being (Smith, 2012). However, the imposition of colonial policies and enduring effects of historical trauma have disrupted the alignment between these cultural goals and the available means for their realisation.
The history of First Nations people is characterised by dispossession, violence, and cultural assimilation, with colonial policies leaving a lasting impact on cultural continuity (Cunneen & Tauri, 2019). This historical trauma creates significant strain, disconnecting culturally accepted goals from viable means for attainment.Cultural marginalisation further compounds this strain as First Nations people navigate a society that often dismisses or misunderstands their cultural practices (Cunneen & Tauri, 2019). This strain becomes evident in the clash between cultural identities and societal expectations, compelling individuals to navigate the complexities of conforming to mainstream norms while preserving their Indigenous heritage.
Socioeconomic disparities compound these strains, as evidenced by high unemployment rates, educational and healthcare inequities, inadequate resources, lack of community connectedness, and over-representation in the criminal justice system (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2022; Dockery, 2010; Marmot, 2011).
In this context, anomie may occur because of a disjunction between culturally prescribed societal goals and the limited access to legitimate means available to First Nations communities. Anomie manifests as a complex social phenomenon, reflecting the struggles of First Nations communities in reconciling cultural identity within social structures that perpetuate disadvantage.
The interplay of these factors creates a web of strains that individuals navigate through conformity, rebellion, innovation, retreatism, and ritualism.
Case Study: General Strain Theory and Intimate Partner Violence Prevention
Eriksson and Mazerolle (2013) suggest General Strain Theory (GST) as a valuable framework to better understand the perpetration and non-perpetration of intimate partner homicide (IPH). By assessing gender-specific strains, negative emotions toward strains, and conditional factors of strains, GST not only provides insight into why men are overrepresented as perpetrators of IPH but also why some women resort to such violent acts.
- Gender-Specific Strains: Men and women experience different strains leading up to an IPH. Strain experienced by male perpetrators of IPH include challenges to their control or authority, loss of the relationship (separation), forms of legal actions such as protection orders or arrest, and infidelity. For female perpetrators of IPH, strains often involve enduring abuse, restricted freedom, and threats to themselves or their children.
- Negative Emotions to Strain: There are distinct differences in the emotional responses to strain between male and female perpetrators of IPH. Male perpetrators are more likely to respond to strain with negative emotions of jealousy, intense anger, and abandonment-rage, whereas female perpetrators often act out of fear or desperation. Gender-specific negative emotions stemming from strain play a crucial role in mediating the path towards violent behaviour, particularly in the context of (IPH).
- Conditional Factors of Strain: Male and female perpetrators of IPH are influenced by different conditional factors that either exacerbate or mitigate the pathway from strain to violence. For male perpetrators of IPH, factors such as impulsivity, sensitivity to perceived threats, and connections with criminal peers exacerbate strain. For female perpetrators, negative reactions to strain are increased by a perceived lack of social support and limited access to essential resources.
Recognising the distinct experiences of strain that lead male and female perpetrators to commit IPH is essential for developing effective prevention strategies.
GST highlights the necessity of developing prevention programs that cater to the specific experiences and needs of men and women. By focusing on the specific strains and emotional processes that lead to violence, these intervention aims to address some of the underlying causes of IPH, fostering safer and healthier relationships.
Enhancing access to social support and legal assistance plays a pivotal role in how individuals cope with strain, making it imperative for IPH prevention initiatives to bolster community support systems, and improve access to legal and social services. Educating practitioners and the public about the relational strains that can escalate into IPH can assist in the early identification of those at risk.
Finally, the application of GST to IPH calls for ongoing research to further understand the complex interaction of strain, emotions, and violence within intimate relationships. Policymakers can use these insights to develop targeted strategies for IPH prevention, focusing on reducing strains.
THEORY CRITICISMS
Critics argue that traditional strain theory places too much emphasis on economic success as the primary goal in society. It may not fully account for individuals who have different goals or aspirations, such as achieving social recognition, personal satisfaction, or community involvement, which may not align with conventional success as defined by society (Bernard, 1984). They also argue that it does not adequately address cultural variations in goals and means as different cultures could have different definitions of success, and what constitutes strain and deviance can also vary significantly across societies (Briody, 2002; Jensen, 2020).
Another criticism is that strain theories offer a simplistic explanation for deviant behaviour. While GST explains how individuals might turn to deviance when they cannot achieve success through legitimate means, the theory does not account for the diversity of deviant behaviours or the complex motivations behind them (Briody, 2002). Merton’s Strain Theory assumes a universal pursuit of success and conformity to cultural goals. There is the argument that these theories primarily focus on explaining street-level crimes and neglect aspects of white-collar crimes and elite deviance. It does not account for how individuals with privileged access to resources may engage in deviant behaviours or evade punishment (Bernard, 1984; Kornhauser, 1978).
THE FUTURE OF THE THEORY
As with many criminological theories, strain theories will be put to the test with emerging technologies and emerging crimes that come as the result of these new ways to communicate and interact. Recent research with cybercriminals (Dearden et al., 2021) found that high levels of anomie was correlated with increased cybercrime activity. Even in cyberspace, economic strain continues to affect individuals’ behaviours and choices.
Many people have raised concerns that the post-COVID world has led to more loneliness and relationship breakdown. Could this be a sign of increased anomie? As economic stress takes its toll on younger generations, will new structural goals emerge? What will they be?
CONCLUSION
Strain theories provide a framework to understand the complex relationship between societal pressures and criminal behaviour. They suggest that individuals may resort to deviance when confronted with a disjuncture between societal expectations and the legitimate means available to achieve them, leading to a state of anomie. By identifying structural strains as catalysts for criminal conduct, traditional strain Theory sheds light on the societal roots of deviant behaviour. General Strain Theory offers an explanation for how these strains may affect individuals and individual decision making. These theories provide ongoing explanations about the interplay of societal structures and individual responses to strain, contributing significantly to our understanding of the dynamics of criminal behaviour within a broader sociological context.
Check Your Knowledge
Discussion Questions
- How does the concept of “anomie” relate to Merton’s Strain Theory, and why is it important in understanding deviance?
- Merton’s theory suggests that American society places a high value on success and the “American Dream.” How do you think this holds up in modern day Australia?
- What is the relationship between negative emotion and crime/delinquency? Can you think of examples of negative emotions that you think would be more likely to lead to antisocial behaviour?
REFERENCES
Agnew, R. (1989). A longitudinal test of the revised strain theory. Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 5(4), 373–387.
Agnew, R. (1992). Foundation for a general strain theory of crime and delinquency. Criminology, 30(1), 47–88.
Agnew, R. (1997). Stability and change in crime over the life course: A strain theory explanation. In T. P. Thornberry (Ed.), Developmental theories of crime and delinquency (Vol. 7, pp. 101–132). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
Agnew, R. (2001). Building on the foundation of general strain theory: Specifying the types of strain most likely to lead to crime and delinquency, Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 38(4), 319–361.
Agnew, R. (2006). Pressured into crime: an overview of general strain theory (1st ed.). Roxbury Pub.
Akers, R. (1998). Social learning and social structure: A general theory of crime and deviance. Boston: Northeastern University Press.
Akers, R. (2000). Criminological theories: Introduction, evaluation, and application. Los Angeles: Roxbury.
Baron, S. W. (2004). General strain, street youth and crime: A test of Agnew’s revised theory, Criminology, 42(2), 457-483.
Bernard, T. J. (1984). Control Criticisms of Strain Theories: An Assessment of Theoretical and Empirical Adequacy. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 21 (4): 353–372. doi:10.1177/0022427884021004005
Broidy, L. M. (2001). A test of general strain theory. Criminology. 39(1): 9–36. doi:10.1111/j.1745-9125.2001.tb00915.x. ISSN 0011-1384
Broidy, L. M., & Agnew, R. (1997). Gender and crime: A general strain theory perspective. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 34(3), 275–306. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022427897034003001
Cunneen, C., & Tauri, J. M. (2019). Indigenous peoples, criminology, and criminal justice. Annual Review of Criminology, 2, 359–381
Dearden, T. E., Parti, K., & Hawdon, J. (2021). Institutional anomie theory and cybercrime—cybercrime and the American dream. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 37(3), 311–332. https://doi.org/10.1177/10439862211001590
Dockery, A. M. (2010). Culture and wellbeing: The case of Indigenous Australians. Social Indicators Research, 99, 315-332.
Durkheim, É., & Coser, L. A. (1984). The division of labor in society. (W. D. Halls, Trans.). Free Press.
Durkheim, É., Spaulding, J. A., & Simpson, G. (2002). Suicide: a study in sociology (Ser. Routledge classics). Routledge.
Eriksson, L., & Mazerolle, P. (2013). A general strain theory of intimate partner homicide. Aggression and violent behavior, 18(5), 462-470. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2013.07.002
Froggio, G., & Agnew, R. (2007). The relationship between crime and “objective” versus “subjective” strains. Journal of Criminal Justice, 35(1), 81–87. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2006.11.017
Jensen, G. F. (2020). Salvaging structure through strain: A theoretical and empirical critique. In The legacy of anomie theory (pp. 139–158). Routledge.
Kaufman, J. M., Agnew, R., & Henry, S. (2010). Anomie, strain and subcultural theories of crime. Taylor and Francis.
Kornhauser, R. (1978). Social sources of delinquency: an appraisal of analytic models. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Lilly, J. R., Cullen, F. T., & Ball, R. A. (2007). Criminological theory: context and consequences (4th ed.). SAGE Publications.
Marmot, M. (2011). Social determinants and the health of Indigenous Australians. Medical Journal of Australia, 194, 512–513. doi:10.5694/j .1326-5377.2011.tb03086.x
Smith, L. T. (2012). Decolonizing methodologies (2nd ed.). Zed Books.
- The American Dream as a term has become a reflection of many of the goals that occupy Westernised society, including things like financial security, a house in the suburbs, and a stereotypical family. ↵
- Interested in learning more about Professor Robert Agnew and his contributions to criminology? Check out his interview with Professor Timothy Brezina as part of the Oral History Project of the American Society of Criminology. ↵
- For an in-depth discussion about General Strain theory given by Professor Agnew, check out a recent lecture at the University of Tampa. ↵
a condition of instability resulting from a breakdown of standards and values or from a lack of purpose or ideals.
Developed by Robert Agnew, General Strain Theory (GST) states that individuals engage in criminal behaviour due to experiences of strain or stress. GST identifies several sources of strain, including the failure to achieve positively valued goals, the removal of positively valued stimuli, and the presentation of negative stimuli. These strains lead to negative emotions, which may prompt individuals to engage in crime as a coping mechanism.
Perspectives that focus on large-scale social processes, structures, or phenomena. Macro-level studies might examine how societal-level factors, such as economic conditions, cultural norms, or legal systems, contribute to crime rates or patterns of deviance.
small scale, involving small quantities; when used in the social sciences, usually referring to individual level descriptions
The objectives, values, and interests that a society or culture deems desirable and worthy of pursuit. In the context of strain theories, the emphasis is often on material success and wealth as primary cultural goals.
The socially approved ways or methods of achieving cultural goals, such as education and employment. Strain theories often discuss the accessibility or availability of legitimate means to all members of society.
The ways individuals respond to the strain resulting from the disjuncture between cultural goals and the availability of legitimate means to achieve them. Robert Merton outlined five modes of adaptation: conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion.
The gap or misalignment between cultural goals and the legitimate means available to achieve them, leading to strain and potentially prompting deviant responses.
An adaptation where individuals accept both the cultural goals and the legitimate means of achieving them, even when they experience strain.
Ritualism occurs when individuals abandon the cultural goals but rigidly adhere to the legitimate means, often out of a sense of obligation or habit.
Innovation involves accepting cultural goals but using illegitimate or socially unapproved means to achieve them, often associated with criminal behaviour.
Retreatism describes rejecting both cultural goals and legitimate means, leading to withdrawal from societal expectations, which can manifest in drug addiction or vagrancy.
Rebellion involves rejecting both existing cultural goals and means and substituting them with alternative goals and means, aiming to create societal change.
A central concept in General Strain Theory, referring to the adverse feelings (such as anger, frustration, or depression) that result from experiencing strain.
The strength or magnitude of the strain experienced by an individual, which can influence the likelihood of resulting in criminal behaviour.
The length of time an individual is exposed to strain, with prolonged exposure potentially increasing the risk of deviance.
How recently strain has been experienced by an individual, with more immediate strains having a potentially greater impact on behaviour.
How central or significant the source of strain is to the individual's life, with more central strains having a stronger effect on behaviour.
Strategies or methods individuals use to deal with strain and negative emotions. Effective coping can reduce the likelihood of engaging in criminal behaviour as a response to strain.
